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Scholars have increasingly sought commonalities among Islamist radical groups, such as ISIS and Boko Haram, despite their ideological differences. The purpose of this qualitative study is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of both ISIS and Boko Haram’s digital campaigns to identify similarities and differences in the content of their digital messaging. Adopting reflexive thematic analysis to explore and interpret dataset which eventually allows to uncover patterns, themes, and meanings within the data, this study, utilized the “propaganda by deed” theory to examines and analyse 20 ISIS Arabic Twitter campaigns and 20 Boko Haram video messages. Data was collected and employed to NVivo software for coding and analysis. The analysis reveals four prominent themes for each group: ISIS emphasizes recruitment, direct calls to jihad, religious discourse, and commemoration of deceased members to attract or mobilize followers. In contrast, Boko Haram’s themes include ideological declarations, religious narratives, affiliations with other groups, and recruitment with calls to jihad. These findings provide a nuanced understanding of both groups, with improved quality for digital campaign in the side of Boko Haram as a result of its allegiance with ISIS, informing more effective and appropriate countermeasures against them and further prevent possible future direct relationship between the two groups.

With the exponential development of the virtual environment and social networks, radical elements have managed to promote and disseminate their radical ideas, in less time, to a wider and more diversified audience than in the past. This aspect has caused a shift of radicalization processes from the offline environment to the online environment, turning online radicalization into one of the biggest security challenges. This paper aims to (1) provide an insight into the hypothesis according to which the live-streaming of terrorist attacks in recent years could become a new radicalization mechanism, perhaps generating a new trend and (2) identify the elements and dynamics that determine attackers to use live-stream platforms at the time of the terrorist attack. The article proposes an analysis of the current theoretical framework that combines the brief analysis of the main models of online radicalization, highlighting the elements that could underlie a new radicalization model focused on live-stream/copycat terrorist attacks. In this article we aim to answer the following research question: can live-streaming represent a new mechanism of radicalization?

Radicalization, which is influenced by social, cognitive, and economic variables, is the mental process that justifies violence or violent behavior. Since the invention of the Internet radical organizations have modified their tactics in order to fit the new environment. The Internet has evolved into more than simply a platform for extremist activity; it has also taken the place of the main operating environment and arena where political beliefs are developed, assaults are planned, and exceptional social movements start to take shape. Members of the group meet up online to discuss their religious beliefs and utilize these forums to broaden the scope of action at the individual and organizational levels in order to disseminate their political ideology, hire employees, and organize assaults. The conceptual framework, individual and group dynamic reasons of radicalization, metaphors for describing radicalization, radicalization driven by religion, internet radicalization, and case studies are highlighted in the current study.

In response to the data revolution, academic research and media attention have increasingly focused on the technological adaptation and innovation displayed by the far right. The greatest attention is paid to social media and how groups and organizations are utilizing technological advancement and growth in virtual networks to increase recruitment and advance radicalization on a global scale. As with most social and political endeavors, certain technologies are in vogue and thus draw the attention of users and regulators and service providers. This creates a technological blind spot within which extremist groups frequently operate older and less well regarded technologies without the oversight that one might expect. This article examines the less well-studied traditional and official websites of the Ku Klux Klan, the most established and iconic of American far-right organizations. By incorporating non-participant observation of online spaces and thematic analysis, this research analyzes the evolution of 26 websites, from their emergence in the early 1990s to the present day. We examine the ways in which traditional printed communications and other ephemera have progressed with advances in technology, focusing on the following central elements of Klan political activism and community formation: Klan identity, organizational history, aims and objectives; technology and outreach, including online merchandise and event organization; and the constructions of whiteness and racism. The results add value and insight to comparable work by offering a unique historical insight into the ways in which the Klan have developed and made use of Web 1.0, Web 2.0, and Web3 technologies.

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It is well established that jihadist groups and their supporters post URLs on online platforms to outlink to items of propaganda stored on other platforms. Industry initiatives – such as Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism’s inclusion of URLs in its hash-sharing database, and Tech Against Terrorism’s Terrorist Content Analytics Platform – have sought to counter this practice. These measures, together with new regulatory regimes (e.g. the EU’s Terrorist Content Online Regulation) and the growing use of decentralised services, raise the question whether jihadist groups’ propaganda dissemination strategies are perhaps being forced to evolve. This report considers whether there is evidence of such an evolution, by examining the means that three jihadist groups (Islamic State (IS), Al-Qaeda (AQ) and Al-Shabaab) used to disseminate their propaganda during a two-month period in early 2023.