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This paper investigates one sub-topic within a right-wing extremist (RWE) movement in India – love jihad, a conspiracy created by Hindutva nationalists alleging that Muslims forcefully convert Hindu women to Islam with allurements of love. Love jihad narratives and digital dissemination tactics serve a nation-building, patriarchal and vote-seeking function for the nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The BJP and allied nationalist and media organisations have led many anti-love jihad campaigns. However, this study investigates how ­non-elite – ordinary – social media users construct love jihad discourse through a discourse analysis of 188 sub-sampled tweets from February to October 2023. The analysis finds relative congruence in how non-elites, elites, media and nationalist organisations frame love jihad. The invoked themes – Muslim exclusionism, patriarchy, nationalism and post-truth politics – are cross-cutting and mutually reinforcing but can also be categorised based on which appears at the forefront. I use this organisation to highlight novel frames within each theme and their implicit and explicit cross-cutting dimensions. Finally, these findings can be situated in broader discussions around the connection between populism and post-truth politics, and call for reconceptualising online social movements.

Numerous studies have reported an increase in hate speech on X (formerly Twitter) in the months immediately following Elon Musk’s acquisition of the platform on October 27th, 2022; relatedly, despite Musk’s pledge to “defeat the spam bots,” a recent study reported no substantial change in the concentration of inauthentic accounts. However, it is not known whether any of these trends endured. We address this by examining material posted on X from the beginning of 2022 through June 2023, the period that includes Musk’s full tenure as CEO. We find that the increase in hate speech just before Musk bought X persisted until at least May of 2023, with the weekly rate of hate speech being approximately 50% higher than the months preceding his purchase, although this increase cannot be directly attributed to any policy at X. The increase is seen across multiple dimensions of hate, including racism, homophobia, and transphobia. Moreover, there is a doubling of hate post “likes,” indicating increased engagement with hate posts. In addition to measuring hate speech, we also measure the presence of inauthentic accounts on the platform; these accounts are often used in spam and malicious information campaigns. We find no reduction (and a possible increase) in activity by these users after Musk purchased X, which could point to further negative outcomes, such as the potential for scams, interference in elections, or harm to public health campaigns. Overall, the long-term increase in hate speech, and the prevalence of potentially inauthentic accounts, are concerning, as these factors can undermine safe and democratic online environments, and increase the risk of offline harms.

This dissertation explores the impact of new technologies on state repression, political violence, and contentious politics via three interrelated studies. The first chapter presents a novel theory that describes the technology policies the Chinese government uses to oppress Uyghurs and turn them into obedient citizens. The chapter analyzes artificial intelligence tools, incarceration testimonies, official documents, police data, satellite evidence, and reports by nongovernmental organizations and scholars. Its findings shed light on the pervasive and increasingly dangerous nature of state repression in the digital age. The second chapter investigates the relationship between digital repression and the nature of conflicts using a global event dataset that documents conflicts with at least 1,000 participants. Considering the results of a rare events logistic regression analysis, the chapter asserts that digital repression alone is not a strong enough determinant of the occurrence of violent incidents. This chapter contributes to explanations of the complex dynamics between state repression and collective behavior by taking a critical stance toward technological determinism. The last chapter examines the relationship between technological repression and the likelihood of success for social movements through a competing risk analysis. It shows that social movements are less likely to succeed in countries that employ repression technology more
frequently compared to their less repressive counterparts. This finding illuminates the longstanding debate on the repression–resistance nexus by demonstrating the negative impact of technological repression on civil resistance. In sum, this dissertation documents the risks and opportunities associated with new technologies while also delineating their limitations.

The so-called Islamic State (IS) has always had a strong online presence. The purpose of most IS propaganda is to shape perceptions and polarise the support of their audience, but there are also other forms of communication from the group and its supporters. In this paper, we present an analysis of the content from two IS-aligned media outlet on Telegram that specialize in cybersecurity, privacy, and encrypted communications to assist IS supporters with security awareness. We have analyzed content for a period of 60 days (from February 9th to April 9th 2022) on the first media and 180 days (from July 15th 2024 to Jnuary 15th 2025) on the second media and categorized the type of content into four different categories. Most of the communication in the channel is about cyber security awareness and tools for secure communication. However, almost 30% of the conversations are about how to secure the community, avoid detection and maintain a presence online.

This book presents an analysis of the male supremacist ideology of the internet-based subculture known as the manosphere and examines the process of radicalization to violent extremism that occurs within the group. The manosphere is the online subculture comprised of several distinct groups who share a basic gender ideology that is misogynistic and anti-feminist in the extreme. The manosphere celebrates a toxic hegemonic masculinity that encourages sexual violence and portrays violence as an understandable response to a feminized culture that denigrates manhood. Evidence has shown that several recent cases of murder, mass murder, and rape involved offenders who participated in this subculture prior to engaging in their crimes. Through the use of quotes gathered directly from the websites and message boards frequented by individuals within the subculture, this book offers an in-depth analysis of the ideology of the manosphere, and the common attitudes, values, and beliefs promoted within the various groups that comprise the subculture. It will also present a theoretical perspective that may shed light on what draws men to these groups and the processes by which they become radicalized to the far right and violent extremism. This book will be of interest to scholars and students in criminology, sociology, and political science, and others interested in examining the manifestation and effects of the manosphere on crime and criminal justice.

This study examines the impact of players’ gender and nationality on game performance before and during the Israel-Hamas war. The study focuses on two games for social impact revolving around intractable conflicts: PeaceMaker (Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and Fact Finders (Cyprus Conflict). We conducted three case studies with 510 undergraduates voluntarily playing the aforementioned games and reporting their final scores. The participants included Israeli-Jew, Palestinian, American, and Cypriot undergraduate students. We found that before the Israel-Hamas war, women won PeaceMaker no less than men. Interestingly, during the Israel-Hamas war, women won PeaceMaker more than men. Finally, third-parties to the Cyprus conflict (Israelis, Palestinians and Americans) significantly outperformed direct-parties (Cypriots) in Fact Finders before and during the Israel-Hamas war. Overall this study’s findings suggest that serious games can be used as effective interventions for peace education and conflict resolution regardless of players’ gender or nationality, even during violent times.