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This dissertation explores the impact of new technologies on state repression, political violence, and contentious politics via three interrelated studies. The first chapter presents a novel theory that describes the technology policies the Chinese government uses to oppress Uyghurs and turn them into obedient citizens. The chapter analyzes artificial intelligence tools, incarceration testimonies, official documents, police data, satellite evidence, and reports by nongovernmental organizations and scholars. Its findings shed light on the pervasive and increasingly dangerous nature of state repression in the digital age. The second chapter investigates the relationship between digital repression and the nature of conflicts using a global event dataset that documents conflicts with at least 1,000 participants. Considering the results of a rare events logistic regression analysis, the chapter asserts that digital repression alone is not a strong enough determinant of the occurrence of violent incidents. This chapter contributes to explanations of the complex dynamics between state repression and collective behavior by taking a critical stance toward technological determinism. The last chapter examines the relationship between technological repression and the likelihood of success for social movements through a competing risk analysis. It shows that social movements are less likely to succeed in countries that employ repression technology more
frequently compared to their less repressive counterparts. This finding illuminates the longstanding debate on the repression–resistance nexus by demonstrating the negative impact of technological repression on civil resistance. In sum, this dissertation documents the risks and opportunities associated with new technologies while also delineating their limitations.

The so-called Islamic State (IS) has always had a strong online presence. The purpose of most IS propaganda is to shape perceptions and polarise the support of their audience, but there are also other forms of communication from the group and its supporters. In this paper, we present an analysis of the content from two IS-aligned media outlet on Telegram that specialize in cybersecurity, privacy, and encrypted communications to assist IS supporters with security awareness. We have analyzed content for a period of 60 days (from February 9th to April 9th 2022) on the first media and 180 days (from July 15th 2024 to Jnuary 15th 2025) on the second media and categorized the type of content into four different categories. Most of the communication in the channel is about cyber security awareness and tools for secure communication. However, almost 30% of the conversations are about how to secure the community, avoid detection and maintain a presence online.

This book presents an analysis of the male supremacist ideology of the internet-based subculture known as the manosphere and examines the process of radicalization to violent extremism that occurs within the group. The manosphere is the online subculture comprised of several distinct groups who share a basic gender ideology that is misogynistic and anti-feminist in the extreme. The manosphere celebrates a toxic hegemonic masculinity that encourages sexual violence and portrays violence as an understandable response to a feminized culture that denigrates manhood. Evidence has shown that several recent cases of murder, mass murder, and rape involved offenders who participated in this subculture prior to engaging in their crimes. Through the use of quotes gathered directly from the websites and message boards frequented by individuals within the subculture, this book offers an in-depth analysis of the ideology of the manosphere, and the common attitudes, values, and beliefs promoted within the various groups that comprise the subculture. It will also present a theoretical perspective that may shed light on what draws men to these groups and the processes by which they become radicalized to the far right and violent extremism. This book will be of interest to scholars and students in criminology, sociology, and political science, and others interested in examining the manifestation and effects of the manosphere on crime and criminal justice.

This study examines the impact of players’ gender and nationality on game performance before and during the Israel-Hamas war. The study focuses on two games for social impact revolving around intractable conflicts: PeaceMaker (Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and Fact Finders (Cyprus Conflict). We conducted three case studies with 510 undergraduates voluntarily playing the aforementioned games and reporting their final scores. The participants included Israeli-Jew, Palestinian, American, and Cypriot undergraduate students. We found that before the Israel-Hamas war, women won PeaceMaker no less than men. Interestingly, during the Israel-Hamas war, women won PeaceMaker more than men. Finally, third-parties to the Cyprus conflict (Israelis, Palestinians and Americans) significantly outperformed direct-parties (Cypriots) in Fact Finders before and during the Israel-Hamas war. Overall this study’s findings suggest that serious games can be used as effective interventions for peace education and conflict resolution regardless of players’ gender or nationality, even during violent times.

Radical/extremist Islamist actors use social media to disseminate uncompromising stories of monist religious political orders and identities. As a reaction, counter-movements to online Islamist radicalism/extremism emerged in Western societies (and beyond), while uncertainty about effective outcomes remains widespread. In a bid to understand how inclusionary and exclusionary discursive spaces are created, we ask: How do some Muslim actors create discursive spaces open to self-reflection, pluralism and liberal-democratic principles, while others construct illiberal, particularistic and non/anti-democratic spaces? To respond to this question, we compare two contrasting storytellers, one who agitates for exclusionary Islamist radicalism/extremism (Generation Islam) and one who offers inclusionary prevention and deradicalization work against that (Jamal al-Khatib). We draw on novel narrative approaches to the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) in Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), via which we compare text-level and context-level narratives disseminated about three Muslim-related crises: the racist terrorist attacks/genocide to represent the national, European and global level. Our two-layered, DHA-inspired narrative analysis illustrates that, at the level of text, narrative persuasion varies between both contrasting actors. While Jamal al-Khatib disseminates persuasive stories, Generation Islam is much less invested in narrative persuasion; it seems to address an already convinced audience. These two text-level strategies reveal their meaning in two antagonistic narrative genres: Jamal al-Khatib’s “self-reflexive savior” creates an inclusionary discursive space represented in a self-ironic narrative genre, while Generation Islam’s ”crusading savior” manufactures an exclusionary discursive space represented in a romance featuring a nostalgic return to the particularistic Islamic umma.

Incels (“involuntary celibates”) are online communities of young men, broadly aligned by anti-feminism, concern over an inability to form sexual relationships with women, and a strong negative focus on their own appearance. Incels have been linked to violent misogyny and several mass killings. Using critical discourse analysis on data from nine different incel online forums, this article explores how incels discussed the Plymouth shooting in August 2021, often reported as an incel attack, looking at the discourses which are invoked to justify or delegitimize violence. As well as violent rhetoric, our research also pays attention to anti-violent rhetoric in incel communities, an area not yet discussed in the literature regarding incels, but which may be invaluable to those hoping to address the issue of incel violence. Our findings identify significant differences in the way the shooting is discussed across different incel forums, and reveal that both pro and anti-violence discourses frequently invoke lookism and mental health to justify victimhood.